Is the Center of Islamic Civilization a geopolitical project?

The modern geopolitical landscape is becoming increasingly unstable. Ongoing invisible competition between major powers is affecting not only political relations but also economic and ideological spheres. Current realities show that powerful states are increasingly sidelining international law and attempting to resolve conflicts through traditional methods based on force and pressure. The recent actions of the United States, Russia, and Iran on the international stage reflect a shift away from diplomacy toward a reliance on hard power. In such a context, the question of how smaller and developing countries can ensure their survival is becoming more pressing.

In recent years, Uzbekistan’s foreign policy demonstrates the effectiveness of a multi-vector approach on the international stage. At a time when several actors are competing for global influence, maintaining balance and advancing national interests has become crucial. Uzbekistan’s aspiration to strengthen its role as a leading state in Central Asia, including through the development of soft power, deserves particular attention. As a country with a rich Islamic historical and cultural heritage, Uzbekistan is emerging not only as a key actor in Central Asia but also as an increasingly influential player in the broader Eurasian region.

In this regard, particular importance is attached to an article by Kamran Bokhari, Senior Director at the New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy, published in Forbes under the title “Soft Power in Complex Times: Uzbekistan, the Center of Islamic Civilization, and Eurasian Prosperity.”

According to Bokhari, Uzbekistan is promoting a model of Islam grounded in moderate historical traditions while aligning with modern governance, economic development, and global cooperation.

Central Asia, including present-day Uzbekistan, has historically served as a crossroads of religions and cultures. Located along the Silk Road, the region facilitated not only the exchange of goods but also the spread of beliefs and ideas. Zoroastrianism developed in ancient Bactria and Khorezm, while connections with India and China contributed to the spread of Buddhism. Nomadic populations practiced shamanism and Tengriism, and Christian missionaries also attempted to establish influence in the region.

Islam entered Central Asia during the Arab conquests of the 7th–8th centuries. Over time, it became the dominant religion of the region. Arabic language and Islamic scholarship emerged as key cultural foundations, shaping the intellectual direction of local elites. Cities such as Samarkand and Bukhara quickly developed into major centers of political, economic, and scientific activity.

This transformation was closely linked to the region’s strategic location along the Silk Road, which made it a hub for the exchange of knowledge, ideas, and technologies. As a result, Central Asia became not merely a recipient of Islamic civilization but an active contributor to its development. Prominent scholars such as Imam Bukhari, Abu Mansur Maturidi, Muhammad al-Tirmidhi, and Bahauddin Naqshband emerged from this environment.

Thus, Central Asia should be viewed not as a peripheral region of Islamic civilization but as one of its intellectual centers—a true cradle of Islamic thought.

Bokhari argues that the establishment of the Center of Islamic Civilization in Uzbekistan is not merely a cultural initiative but a strategic project.

He notes that through this initiative, Tashkent is positioning itself as both a guardian and a modern interpreter of Islamic heritage, which is deeply rooted in cities such as Samarkand, Bukhara, Khiva, Termez, and Kokand.

According to the author, Central Asia and the South Caucasus are becoming increasingly interconnected with the Middle East and South Asia. However, this integration faces two major risks: instability surrounding Iran and the ongoing uncertainty in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. In this context, Uzbekistan is promoting itself through the concepts of moderate Islam, cultural heritage, and regional stability.

Bokhari also emphasizes that the initiative is closely linked to Uzbekistan’s broader geopolitical ambitions. The country is gradually emerging as a middle power in Eurasia. Through active participation in formats such as C5+1, Uzbekistan is leveraging its geographic position, demographic potential, and reform agenda to shape the regional agenda. In doing so, it seeks to play a leading role not only in economic and security matters but also in cultural diplomacy.

Under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan has pursued policies aimed at regional normalization and economic openness. These efforts have transformed the C5 group from a consultative forum into a platform for cooperation in connectivity, energy, and security coordination. Uzbekistan’s active diplomacy has also reinforced the idea that Central Asia can act more cohesively as a regional bloc while balancing relations with major powers such as the United States, China, and Russia.

Today, escalating geopolitical tensions in Western and South Asia pose serious concerns for Central Asian countries, particularly Uzbekistan. Conflicts involving Iran, instability in Afghanistan, and tensions involving Pakistan create additional risks for the region. In response, Tashkent is seeking to address these challenges not only through security measures but also through cultural and civilizational approaches. In this context, the Center of Islamic Civilization gains strategic importance.

As noted in the analysis, Uzbekistan views prolonged conflict involving Iran as a threat to its geo-economic interests. As a landlocked country that must transit through multiple states to access seaports, Uzbekistan relies on Iran as a key corridor connecting Central Asia to global markets. Therefore, Tashkent supports diplomatic efforts and de-escalation between Iran and the United States.

This approach is also reflected in the role of the Center of Islamic Civilization, which is seen not only as a cultural institution but also as a platform promoting a tolerant and humanistic interpretation of Islam.

According to Bokhari, the center can serve as an important tool for strengthening regional stability and countering radical ideologies by offering an alternative intellectual framework.

This is particularly relevant in the context of Afghanistan. Since the Taliban returned to power in 2021, Uzbekistan has maintained cautious engagement with Kabul. Instability in Afghanistan poses not only security risks but also ideological challenges. Therefore, Uzbekistan prioritizes cultural and ideological responses over purely military measures in countering extremism.

Recent tensions between Pakistan and the Taliban further increase the risk of expanding instability across the region. Combined with potential conflict involving Iran, these dynamics could create a broader zone of insecurity across Western Asia. In response, Uzbekistan’s strategy is based on three pillars: cautious diplomacy, cultural influence, and security measures.

According to the author, the Center of Islamic Civilization institutionalizes Uzbekistan’s civilizational heritage and transforms it into a modern geopolitical instrument. This allows the country to promote regional stability while also acting as a cultural bridge between Eurasia, the Middle East, and South Asia.

In conclusion, the Center of Islamic Civilization should not be seen merely as a cultural project. It represents a strategic approach that combines soft power, diplomacy, and long-term vision. Through this model, Uzbekistan is positioning itself as a stabilizing force and an advocate of regional balance in an increasingly volatile geopolitical environment.