Ukraine at a crossroads: Ambassador talks 1000 days of war, challenges, and resilience

1000 days. In the 21st century, where we live, the war has been going on for a thousand days. During this period, several initiatives have been put forward to end the war. However, they have not yielded results.

On November 19, a briefing dedicated to the 1000th day of the Russian occupation was held at the Ukrainian Embassy in Tashkent, where the following issues were discussed with Ambassador Mykola Doroshenko.

“We have been at war for 1000 days, and it seems that Ukraine has reached a dead end. Such versions are sometimes spread in some media outlets.

I think that such an assessment of the situation is an exaggeration. Today is a difficult time, and this is true. We are worried about tomorrow, and this is also true. But when people say, ‘This is a dead end,’ they mean that the country and its people are hopeless, that everything is lost, that there is no hope. And that is simply not true anymore. I was recently at home in Ukraine, and I felt in the air a concentrated, intense anticipation of the future, not fear or despair.

Russia’s war against Ukraine has been going on for more than a decade, and the full-scale invasion began almost three years ago. Today marks exactly 1,000 days since the start of this aggression. During this time, we have become accustomed to thinking about death. We have learned to look death in the face, so we are no longer afraid of it and do not see “dead ends” here. We remain stable and hopeful,” the ambassador said.

According to the UN, at least 12,164 civilians have been killed since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, including more than 600 children. At least 26,871 people have been injured. These are only confirmed figures, and the real death toll could be much higher. Cities, villages, and districts have been destroyed. Bakhmut, Avdiivka, Vovchansk, and Ugledar have all but disappeared from the map.

At least 580 medical facilities have been damaged or destroyed during the attacks, and many first aid workers and medical staff have been killed and injured. At least 1,358 educational institutions have also been damaged or destroyed. Nearly four million people have been internally displaced, and more than 6.8 million have fled the country. A whole generation of children is being deprived of the opportunity to receive an adequate education, as schools have been switched to online or evacuated to shelters due to the attacks.

So, what damage did Russia suffer in the war? Ukrainian Ambassador to Tashkent Mykola Doroshenko also spoke about this.

“Since the start of the full-scale aggression, Russia has suffered irreparable losses: 720,000 soldiers, more than 9,000 tanks, about 20,000 artillery systems, 370 aircraft, 330 helicopters, 1,250 missile systems, more than 18,000 warships, and submarines. Ukraine has destroyed or disabled almost a third of the Russian Black Sea Fleet. Ukrainian troops are trying to deprive the enemy of the possibility of a long-term war by striking at key military infrastructure such as weapons depots, disrupting their logistical support, and reducing their offensive capabilities.

I wouldn’t call this a ‘dead end.’ Another fact: Russia has included four regions of Ukraine in its constitution, but to this day it cannot fully control any of them. A year ago, Putin ordered the complete capture of the Donetsk region, an area of about 10,000 square kilometers. Today, they have captured only 17 percent of this territory. If anyone is in a ‘dead end,’ it is the Russians: they are spending more people and equipment, but achieving less,” Doroshenko said.

With the war in Ukraine lasting more than a thousand days, we cannot say that the international community has been sitting idly by, doing nothing to stop the aggression and reconcile the parties. Several conferences were held to find a solution to the conflict, and third-party countries intervened and put forward their proposals for a ceasefire. However, this did not work. So why?

“You may have heard about the China-Brazil plan. There were two versions of the China-Brazil plan: initially with twelve points, then with six points. The first twelve-point proposal included the issue of compliance with the UN Charter, which was lost somewhere. That is, they are proposing to stop the war along the demarcation line, which we understand as a proposal for ‘Minsk-3’ or ‘Normandy format-2’. There is no other option, because Ukraine held two hundred meetings in the Minsk format, and a little fewer in the Normandy format, without any results. We understand very well that this is a cessation of war, rearmament, modernization of technology, etc. We hope that this will not happen.”

In addition, Ukraine is constantly talking about security guarantees. Security and assistance agreements have already been signed between Ukraine and thirty countries of the European Union, although they do not imply the direct military participation of these countries. "I think there is no need to explain this in detail to experts, but at the same time they guarantee that these countries are on our bright side," the ambassador said.

At this point, it is also appropriate to dwell on the “peace plan” proposed by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. This plan, recently presented to Ukraine’s partners and the Verkhovna Rada, according to the media, did not make a good impression on many, and it was said that it was impossible to implement it. US President Joe Biden, who got acquainted with the plan, also reportedly did not like this proposal. So, what was this plan and what does it include? The ambassador also spoke about this.

“President Zelensky developed the Victory Plan, which was presented to the Ukrainian people and all our partners. This plan serves as a tool for implementing the peace formula. Experts and political scientists on the sofa were skeptical that this could be done.

But you see, the strategy of this plan is to make Ukraine strong enough to end the war no later than next year. We understand that if we do not strengthen now, Putin can become significantly stronger next year. That is when the path to diplomacy may be closed.

The plan consists of five points and three secret proposals.

The first point is to invite Ukraine to NATO. Now this will give our partners confidence that they will see the place that Ukraine occupies in the security architecture. Putin must understand that his geopolitical calculations will fail. For Ukraine, this also means the inevitability of European integration and the absence of an alternative to democracy.

The second point is defense. Our partners need to lift the restrictions on the use of long-range weapons against the enemy’s military infrastructure in all temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine under Russian control and on Russian territory. This includes providing Ukraine with sufficient long-range missiles, drones, and other strike capabilities.

This also includes strengthening our air defenses and conducting joint defensive operations with our European neighbors to intercept Russian missiles and drones within the air shields of our partner countries.

This also includes equipping our reserve brigades and investing in Ukrainian defense production, including missiles and drones.

We ask our partners to provide Ukraine with real-time satellite and other intelligence. With the Kursk operation, we have become convinced that Putin will not be able to withstand real pressure on Russian forces. We must continue operations in specific areas of enemy territory to prevent the creation of buffer zones on our soil.

The third point is about deterrence. We propose to deploy on our territory a non-nuclear strategic deterrent package sufficient to protect Ukraine from any military threat from Russia.

The fourth is strategic economic potential. Ukraine proposes to the United States and its partners, including the European Union, of which Ukraine will be a part, to conclude special agreements on the joint protection of Ukraine's vital resources through joint investments.

The fifth point is aimed at the post-war period. We envisage, with the consent of our partners, the replacement of some contingents of the US Armed Forces stationed in Europe with Ukrainian units with combat experience and capable of reliably guaranteeing security in Europe.

The Victory Plan essentially paves the way for a second peace summit. If Russia's war against Ukraine ends at a peace summit, this, under international law, will deter other potential aggressors from starting new wars. The end of the war is not simply its cessation. "The war will truly end when justice is restored and all those responsible for international crimes are punished. The damage caused to Russia must be compensated through frozen assets, as well as through the reparations that we should receive," the ambassador said.

Following the presentation of Zelensky's "victory plan," attention has also turned to his leadership and the broader political situation in Ukraine. As is widely known, the current Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, took office on May 20, 2019. Given that Ukraine’s presidential mandate lasts five years, Zelensky’s term officially ended on May 20, 2024. Under normal circumstances, presidential elections should have been held in March of this year, but the ongoing war has made it impossible to conduct them.

The topic of elections has recently resurfaced. According to The Economist, preparations for presidential elections in Ukraine are underway, with a tentative date set for May 25, 2025. Representatives of Zelensky's potential opponents argue that elections are necessary, yet many refrain from making public statements due to concerns about how the government might react.

Ukrainian Ambassador Doroshenko weighed in on the issue, emphasizing the impracticality of holding elections during wartime.

“There are more than a million people in the army and 7.8 million abroad. There are internally displaced people in Ukraine. Organizing elections in such conditions? Just imagine. There was a major attack on November 17—120 rockets, suicide bombers, and so on—and this day happened to be Sunday, election day,” Doroshenko said.

The ambassador further stressed the legal constraints, explaining that elections cannot take place under martial law.

“Martial law is determined by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the President extends it every 90 days. If the war stops, the Verkhovna Rada’s decision will change. Our political elite, including the President and the parliament, do not oppose holding elections, and many politicians are ready for them. But during martial law, this is impossible,” Doroshenko explained.

In recent days, the conflict in Ukraine has intensified. On November 17, reports from the American press indicated that the Biden administration had authorized Ukraine to use long-range ATACMS missiles against targets in Russia. Similar approvals followed from the British and French governments.

On November 19, Ukrainian forces struck an ammunition depot near the city of Karachev in Russia’s Bryansk Region using ATACMS missiles. This marked the first use of American long-range missiles against targets within Russia. Subsequently, on November 20, Ukraine reportedly fired British Storm Shadow missiles at a target in the Kursk Region for the first time.

In response, the Russian Foreign Ministry issued a stark warning, stating that any attacks using long-range missiles would be met with “adequate and decisive” retaliation. On November 21, Russia escalated its response by launching a medium-range Oreshnik ballistic missile at a Ukrainian facility.

The Ukrainian ambassador emphasized that despite the devastating conflict, Ukraine remains resolute.

“I’m sorry to bore you with such details, but I want you to hear this. The Thousand Days War is not about despair, not about fear, not about kneeling and returning to the past. Ukraine is fighting for its freedom, and we don’t want anyone to experience this. But I want you to hear from me the phrase: ‘Nobody wants peace like Ukraine,’” he concluded.