From friendship to rivalry

Kyrgyzstan’s post-independence history has been marked by numerous upheavals, protests, and political maneuvering. Among the leaders who have taken power so far, only a few have come to office through genuinely democratic elections and peacefully handed over authority at the end of their terms.

The recent controversies, including the dismissal of Tashiyev—long regarded as the country’s “second most powerful figure”—and the public reaction that followed, have led many to wonder whether the tradition of the “black chair” is returning.

It must be acknowledged that politics is not a fair game. Its unchanging rule is that interests prevail over friendship. The steel-strong bond between Sadyr Japarov and Kamchybek Tashiyev—once seen as an inseparable tandem who shared imprisonment and exile—now appears to be fading into the cold pages of history.

Oaths of friendship and loyalty ultimately proved powerless before the cold calculations of power. This resignation marks the disintegration of one of the largest political “monoliths” on Kyrgyzstan’s political stage.

The birth of friendship

The Tulip Revolution, which removed Askar Akayev from power and brought Kurmanbek Bakiyev to the political stage, became a key turning point in history. The roots of the friendship between Japarov and Tashiyev trace back to this event. Their bond began in 2005, when both started working as members of parliament. At the time, they likely did not imagine how closely their future political destinies would become intertwined.

In 2010, the April Revolution once again overthrew the government in Kyrgyzstan. Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who had come to power through a revolution, was forced to step down after another uprising. However, Japarov and Tashiyev did not remain politically isolated; instead, they united their forces and founded the Mekenchil party. Bakiyev’s departure from politics further strengthened their ties.

The new party’s unexpected success in the October 2010 parliamentary elections helped them re-emerge as serious political players. However, this success did not last long. In October 2012, a rally led by the two friends in Bishkek’s central square demanding the nationalization of the Kumtor gold mine in Issyk-Kul region changed their lives dramatically. Protesters attempted to seize the White House in Bishkek, but the demonstrations were suppressed by force and the rally leaders were arrested.

Tashiyev and Japarov were charged under Article 295 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic for attempting to seize power by force or retain it unlawfully. In March 2013, the Pervomaisky District Court of Bishkek found them guilty and sentenced them to one year and six months in prison. This period of imprisonment bound them with unbreakable ties. However, in June 2013, the Bishkek City Court acquitted the politicians and released them from the courtroom.

On June 27, 2013, protests erupted again in Karakol. During the unrest, demonstrators attempted to kidnap regional governor Emilbek Kaptagayev. Kyrgyz authorities accused Japarov and Kubanychbek Kadyrov of organizing the plot. Protest leaders were detained, but Japarov—who denied involvement—was forced to flee the country. Tashiyev remained in Kyrgyzstan and fought to protect his friend’s reputation and rights. However, when Japarov returned to Kyrgyzstan on March 25, 2017, he was immediately arrested and sentenced to 11 years and six months in prison.

During his imprisonment, when Japarov lost his parents and his son, Tashiyev stood firmly by his side. According to political analysts, Tashiyev devoted his financial and political resources to preserving Japarov’s public image. In one of his speeches, he even declared, “Sadyr is not just my friend, he is my blood brother.” During this time, Tashiyev became not only a friend but also a guardian for Japarov’s family.

The events of October 2020 became the highest reward for their friendship. Protests erupted on October 5 over disputed parliamentary election results. Taking advantage of the situation, Tashiyev was among the first to take to the streets, securing Japarov’s release from prison and declaring him prime minister at Ala-Too Square in Bishkek.

On October 13, 2020, then-President Sooronbay Jeenbekov rejected Japarov’s appointment as prime minister, citing irregularities and calling for a new parliamentary vote. The following day, the vote was repeated and Japarov again won parliamentary approval.

Amid pressure from the public and political forces supporting Japarov, Jeenbekov resigned on October 15. As a result, Japarov declared himself acting president. Although Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution states that the Speaker of the Jogorku Kenesh should assume this role, Kanatbek Isayev refused the position. Consequently, Japarov became acting president, and on October 16, 2020, parliament officially confirmed him as president.

Years of partnership

In Kyrgyzstan’s recent history, the events of October 2020 marked not only a change of power but also the emergence of a “political tandem.” The alliance between Sadyr Japarov and Kamchybek Tashiyev became a driving force that reshaped the country’s domestic and foreign landscape over the next five years. Appointed head of the State Committee for National Security in October 2020, Tashiyev quickly became one of the country’s most influential figures. This was not merely a new appointment but the creation of a new model of governance. Japarov took responsibility for “soft power” and strategic direction, while Tashiyev became the system’s “iron hand,” leading anti-corruption efforts, border policy, and internal security.

After coming to power, Japarov sought to transform the country from a parliamentary to a presidential system. In April 2021, a new constitution was adopted by referendum, strengthening the executive branch and significantly expanding presidential powers.

The State Committee for National Security, under Tashiyev’s leadership, launched an anti-corruption campaign and reported the recovery of large amounts of state assets.

Their greatest economic achievement was the return of the Kumtor gold mine to state ownership. While Japarov fulfilled a long-held political ambition, Tashiyev ensured the legal and security aspects of the process. This event significantly boosted the tandem’s popularity.

Their cooperation was also evident during border clashes with Tajikistan, where Tashiyev’s direct involvement complemented Japarov’s diplomatic efforts. In 2022, Tashiyev was awarded the title “Hero of Kyrgyzstan.”

At the same time, Tashiyev’s influence continued to expand. From anti-corruption agencies to the Prosecutor General’s Office, he wielded considerable power, becoming more recognizable to the public than the president himself. Some international experts even predicted he could become the next president. Ultimately, this growing prominence may have contributed to his downfall.

The fracture of the tandem

As in any dual leadership system, competing interests eventually emerged. By late 2025, Tashiyev’s growing power and popularity as a “people’s official” began to raise concerns within the presidential administration. His sudden resignation in early 2026 marked the end of this five-year “golden era.”

On February 10, Kamchybek Tashiyev was dismissed as head of the State Committee for National Security. President Sadyr Japarov said the decision was made in the interests of the state, to prevent divisions within society and government institutions and to strengthen unity. At the time, Tashiyev was in Germany for medical treatment with the president’s permission.

Tashiyev may have become a victim of his own ambitions. In recent weeks, questions had emerged about the presidential term. Japarov was elected in January 2021 under the old constitution for a six-year term, but a new constitution adopted later that year reduced the presidential term to five years. Some legal experts argued that early presidential elections should be held in January 2026 under the new constitution.

Seventy-five individuals, including academics and former officials, reportedly sent an official letter to the president and the parliamentary speaker on this issue. Some speculated that Tashiyev might have supported the initiative, and Japarov’s circle may have perceived him as a potential threat amid the legal uncertainty.

Tashiyev’s presence in Germany at the time may also have been part of a behind-the-scenes agreement. With uncertainty about public reaction to his dismissal, his absence from the country likely reduced the risk of large-scale protests.

In conclusion, the period from 2020 to 2026 will likely be remembered in Kyrgyzstan’s history as the “Japarov–Tashiyev era.” Together, they pulled the country back from the brink of fragmentation and established a strong vertical system of governance. Yet a political partnership built on loyalty ultimately gave way to the logic of consolidated power. While Japarov remains the dominant leader, how stable this path will be without Tashiyev remains an open question.